Dr. Zhelyu Zhelev
President of the Balkan Political Club
WHAT IS
THE BALKAN POLITICAL CLUB ABOUT?
The Balkan Political Club is a local initiative of
prominent politicians and intellectuals willing
to work for the recovery and reconstruction of the Balkans as a
region that is on a par
with the rest of Europe.
Initially we envisioned the Balkan Political Club
as something modelled on the Club of
Rome. It appealed to us especially through its visionary theoretical
developments on the
biggest and most poignant problems of humanity in the economy, demography,
ecology
or the media. We were fascinated by its motto: “Think globally,
act locally!”
Gradually, the grim political realities of our region
made us modify our initial notions and
intentions. The facts of life were teaching us that what the Balkans
needed was not only
and not that much theory but rather practical steps that would take
us in the right direction.
This is how experience has guided us towards the political
profile of the future club as a definitely pragmatic, action oriented
forum. Of course, in our approach we were far from weighing theory
against practice.
Needless to say that serious practice implies no less
serious scientific and theoretical developments.In this sense no
one of us even thought of underrating or ignoring research as a
part of the Club’s practical activities. On the contrary, according
to us, any practical step needs to be preceded by and based on serious
theoretical and scientific developments.
Unlike other similar organizations, the Club is not
going to engage in independent research and development. It will
borrow from other research centers, institutes or brain trusts.
In choosing this research strategy the Club was facilitated by the
presence of a number of well established specialized research centers
focussed on a specific area of expertise,conducting sociological
and field surveys. These are entities that have concentrated abundant
information and an enviable research experience. Their expert assistance
is crucial to the work of the Club. On the one hand it is competent
and up-to-date, on the other – it is much more sensible for the
Club to use this information instead of conducting its own research.
This scientific strategy of the Club further defines its relations
with the other NGOs and brain trusts in the region with which it
works in a network. In exchange for that the Club could lobby for
the big projects of these research organizations and lend them its
political support.
This is how the Club could make its next decisive
step from theory into practice becoming something more than an ordinary
NGO. Then, it will be in a position to fulfill the three main roles
under its “Program Declaration”:
1. To act as a generator of new workable ideas for the Balkans;
2. To urge and inspire major initiatives and infrastructure projects
for the region;
3. To lobby before the international financial institutions for
the financing of regional infrastructure projects while acting
as a moral and political guarantor that the funds are spent accordingly
for the benefit of the Balkan nations and the reconstruction of
that part of Europe.
Does the Club have the political and intellectual potential to
fulfill such complex, difficult and responsible tasks? Definitely
yes! Because its membership features some of the most prestigious
and responsible politicians in the Balkans, some of whom are in
power, others are not, but continue to be actively involved in the
political life of their own country, the region, the Continent and
the world.
High profile politicians from Turkey, such as President Suleyman
Demirel, Hikmet Cetin and Murat Karailcin are among the founding
fathers of the BPC. President Demirel, the ninth President of the
Republic of Turkey, has been present in the political life of his
country for more than forty years. Prior to his election as the
Head of State in 1993, he was Prime Minister in seven cabinets.
Suleyman Demirel’s vast political experience is valued not only
in his country but also in the Balkans and in Europe. There is hardly
another European politician who can boast such great popularity
and influence in Central Asia, among the political circles of the
former Soviet republics, as President Demirel.
President Kiro Gligorov has been in politics for nearly half a
century. After the end of World War Two he occupied various responsible
positions in the government of the SFRY. After the breakup of the
Yugoslav Federation he was elected the first Head of State of the
Republic of Macedonia. He served as President for two terms.
Or, let us take the founding members from Romania. Here are the
most famous politicians of post-communist Romania. President Jon
Iliescu, serving a second term as President, President Emil Konstantinescu
and Petre Roman, the former Prime Minister and most active participant
in the changes after 1989.
The founders from Albania include the two key figures in the politics
of that country: President Sali Berisha, now leader of the Democratic
Party of Albania and the leader of the Socialist Party Fatos Nano,
who has served three terms as Prime Minister. Incidentally, this
fact illustrates best the nature of our Club, which shows no bias
to any political force, left, right or centre. Its “bias” is rather
towards an early and successful solution of the regional problems
in the Balkans. This is what makes it a centre of gravity for the
efforts of politicians of the entire political spectrum.
Another member that adds value to any similar organization is the
veteran of the Yugoslav democratic opposition, the speaker of the
Yugoslav Parliament Professor Dragolyub Michunovic.
I will not go through the list of all politicians. The reader will
have a chance to meet them through their profile and political biography.
He will be impressed by the constellation of worthy young politicians
of the calibre of Lyubco Georgievski, Zoran Jivkovic, Mladen Ivanic
and Dora Bakuyani. They all had to come to grips with intractable
problems from the start of their career and had to learn a lot the
hard way.
The Club could not but feel proud of the admirable energy and initiative
of two of its members, the present foreign ministers of Bulgaria
and Greece, Solomon Passi and Georgios Papandreu. Speaking of the
various categories of politicians represented in the Club, it would
be appropriate to mention those who have been instrumental in forging
the model of interethnic relations: Ahmed Dogan, Arben Jaferi and
Ivo Komshic.
This is a model that can guarantee civil peace in the Balkans during
the transition period.
I cannot but mention the intellectuals in the Club: Lyubisha Georgievski,
Prof. Yahia Sezay Tezel of the University of Ankara, Prof. Dimitris
Tsatsos, Prof. Kulumbis, Prof. Mirolyub Labus, Prof. Dimitar Dimitrov
and Veton Suroy, among others.
The intellectuals are not in majority in the Club but here precisely
lies the thin line between politicians and intellectuals. There
is no intellectual in the Club who has resisted the temptation of
politics and not become engaged through some form of civil organization
or action. Lyubisha Georgievski is an intellectual with a high profile
in various artistic genres, as well as in science – propaedeutics.
Yet, he has never been indifferent to the political life of his
country and the world. In 1994, in the presidential elections in
Macedonia he participated as the candidate of VMRO-DPMNE. He is
the incumbent Ambassador of the Republic of Macedonia in Sofia,
which appears in no way to interfere with his artistic pursuits.
Dimitris Tsatsos is professor in constitutional law and a member
of the European Parliament at the same time. Significantly, he became
involved in politics at the time of the military junta. In 1973
he was arrested and sent to prison for participation in an anti-dictatorial
organization. In the years after the end of the junta he headed
various research units or civil organizations. Again, it would be
difficult in his case to draw a line between science and politics.
Professor Mirolyub Labus was head of the opposition organization
G-17 before the fall of the regime of Milosevic. Now he is the Deputy
Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Economic relations in the
cabinet of Zoran Djindjic.
Even Professor Tezel who, on the surface, appears to be the most
remote academic figure in the Club is not uncommitted. I have always
been impressed by his poignant sensitivity to the violation of human
rights and amorality in politics.
Life seems to have played the worst trick to Prof. Dragolyub Michunovic,
mixing up viciously science and politics for him. In his teens he
ended up in the gruesome concentration camp of Tito’s Yugoslavia,
Goli Otok. This branded him for life as an enemy of the state.
I deliberately do not mention the Bulgarian group where, too, there
are intriguing examples of mixing up science and politics, for then
I must list everyone, country by country. Besides, the purpose of
this introductory text is not to make a roll call but to show that
in its present format and membership the Balkan Political Club has
the political, intellectual and moral potential to fulfill its important
historic mission.
Why is the Club called “political”? Does this not narrow its terms
of reference? The simplest answer to this question is: because it
is a club of politicians and intellectuals who are politically committed.
There are more important considerations, though. In the Balkans,
everything is politics or becomes politics in the broadest sense
of the term. Whatever problem you take the moment you start addressing
it it immediately becomes political. Even the problems of the regional
communication and energy infrastructure that may appear to be far
removed from politics effectively face us as major political issues.
A case in point was, in the past ten years, the idea to build a
second bridge on the Danube River between Bulgaria and Romania.
There was general consensus about the need of a second, even a
third bridge. However the two countries’ interests and positions
diverged on the issue where to build it. This is why, for a long
time we could not clear this problem and proceed to the construction
of the bridge. Contradictions transpired when it came to the design
and financing of the project. Which companies should do the design,
which banks should finance it?
There is also an interesting interplay of interests among the Balkan
states concerning the building of corridor No 8. The countries it
will go through are firmly in favour of its construction with priority.
The others are not necessarily of the same opinion. Similar contradictions
or discrepancies might be expected in the case of the other major
regional projects. This may be the inevitable logic of development.
But precisely here lies the great mission of the Club: from the
point of view of Europe and the Balkans as one whole, to defend
the interests of the region, rather than pursuing the narrow partisan
or national interests of any country. Because a proper understanding
of the interests of each Balkan state would lead us to the need
of all infrastructure projects to be implemented as soon as possible.
This is the key to the reconstruction and rebirth of this part of
the Continent.
The fact that everything in the Balkans translates into politics
should not be a major source of concern. This is not unique to our
region. Politics at large is an integral sphere and and integral
activity. It has the property of permeating and enveloping everything.
This is why we can speak of economic policy, demographic policy,
environmetnal policy and cultural policy. Or, we could narrow it
down to: educational policy, farming policy, trade policy or industrial
policy.
Let us recall one of the most in-depth definitions of politics
as a relationship between the interests of vast groups of people
who could be united in states, nations, ethnic groups,
political, cultural or religious communities.
In order to avoid any misconception of the “political” nature of
the Balkan Political Club I
would like to underline something which the reader would find anyway
in the statutory documents. The Club does not:
1. engage in partisan or political activity and does not participate
in the political games of any party;
2. interfere in election campaigns;
3. interfere in the internal political life of the states in the
region, except in two cases: in the event of a civil war or a
brutal violation of human rights. Even in such extreme cases the
Club’s “intervention” goes no farther than the search for a political
solution through negotiations at the round table and reasonable
compromise, and certainly in compliance of the European norms
and standards.
There is another reason why we are eager to clear any possible
misunderstandings about the allegedly “political” nature of the
Club. There have been instances when major international companies
that could be net beneficiaries from the activity of the BPC refused
to support it financially under the pretext that they did not finance
political activities or interfered in the political life of the
countries where they have operations.
We thus realized that we were the victim of a superficial and primitive
understanding of the word “politics” as a political speculation,
partisan warfare and using the leverage of power for personal or
partisan gain.
The members of the BPC take a much broader view of politics as
aimed at safeguarding peace and security in the Balkans; accelerated
construction of the regional communications and energy infrastructure
as a key to the solution of all other problems, economic, social
or political.
Some Balkan countries are not represented in the Club but this
should be no cause of concern for anyone. The reason is we did not
have enough time to involve people from Croatia, Slovenia, Moldova
and Cyprus as members. I am hopeful, though, that by the end of
this year or the middle of next year at the latest, the scope of
our membership will enlarge. In the meantime we also hope to address
the issue of taking on board new members from the countries that
are already represented.
What matters for us is the growing interest in the Club, which,
in a sense, is a guarantee of its success and promising future.
The actual future of the Club will depend, not so much on the external
circumstances, as on the work it will manage to do and the benefits
it can bring to people.